Writer and historian

Almost everything about him has changed besides his will to win. He enters polling day in second place, but only a fool would write him off.

Why Moscow is one half of Russia’s split personality - in A Kingdom and a Village, Simon Morrison charts thousands of years of Muscovite history, separating the facts from Putin’s myths.

Caught between Hitler and Bomber Command – the Berliners’ cruel predicament. Ordinary citizens faced two enemies in the war, and it was hard to know who was more dangerous – the Allies or their own deranged leaders

In The Successor, the dissident journalist Mikhail Fishman chronicles the life and murder of one of the Kremlin’s most prominent critics.

This biography reminds us of the immense courage of the Russian dissident, who died in a prison camp in February.

The rewards of being the ‘asylum capital of the world’ - Matthew Lockwood traces Britain’s long history as a haven for refugees and argues that the nation has benefitted greatly over the centuries as a result.

How an open-air party on the Austrian-Hungarian border in August 1989 turned into a dash for freedom and changed the map of Europe.

The moment Poland punctured populism. The Law and Justice Party stole from the communists’ playbook to gain and retain power, explains Jaroslaw Kuisz in The New Politics of Poland. But a surprise election result may prove to be a sign of global change.

The GDR was not the Stasiland of grey monotony we imagine. Katja Hoyer evokes the tears and anger – but also the laughter and pride, as citizens raised their children, went on holidays and joked about their politicians.

Despotism and hope. Russia’s finest living novelist on why his country has never been free.

Why is Ukraine honouring the monsters of the past? Bernard Wasserstein describes the dreadful fate of Jews in Krakowiec in the 1940s – and is astonished that a statue has been erected there to one of their chief persecutors.

‘The strangest of lives’: the plight of White Russians in Paris. Fleeing the revolution and forced to scrape a living as taxi drivers and seamstresses, the exiles were generally a melancholy crowd, united by mutual loathing.

Buda and Pest come together to make Hungary's enticing capital a unique short-break destination.

Was it inevitable? If Gorbachev and Yeltsin hadn’t hated each other, the Soviet Union might not have imploded.

Did the U.S. try to assassinate Lenin in 1918?

George Orwell’s observation that “all revolutions are failures” has often been borrowed by commentators and historians during this 30th anniversary year of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the revolutions in central Europe that marked the collapse of the Soviet empire.

Why Eastern Europe went bad. The rise of toxic populism in the old Soviet bloc is explained in this convincing analysis.

As Putin’s Russia glorifies its Soviet past, Grossman’s urgent, questioning voice needs to be heard again.

The dark heart of Europe. A country of extremes, Hungary has had a significant influence on world history.

Told for the first time, the extraordinary story of the Chernobyl disaster — an explosion 10 times more radioactive than the Hiroshima bomb.

Anne Applebaum shows beyond doubt that the famine was man-made and ordered for clear political reasons.

Victor's appearance in the Netflix documentary "The Russian Revolution"

On this week’s podcast, Sebestyen talks about “Lenin”.

The rise of Hungary’s nationalist leader is a sign of what’s to come in eastern Europe.

Chaos and cruelty have dogged St Petersburg ever since its creation.

October reminds me of the Marxist histories of my youth - except it’s rather better written...

How the Bolshevik leaders betrayed the Revolution.

As the Royal Academy unveils its huge new show of work produced in Russia between 1917 and 1932, Anne McElvoy and her guests - the film maker and actor, Dolya Gavanski, novelist Charlotte Hobson and thehistorians Stephen Smith and Victor Sebestyen - assess the role played by artists in the revolution and the relevance of their paintings, sculptures, films, books and music today.

President Trump's chief strategist proudly admits "I am a Leninist". So we should worry...

A review of The Last Empire: The final days of the Soviet Union, by Serhii Plokhy. Newly unearthed material sheds fresh light on the dying days of the 'Evil Empire'.

A review of Gottland, by Mariusz Szczygiel, a profoundly funny book about how one copes with tyranny.

Gavrilo Princip – history's ultimate teenage tearaway. A review of The Trigger, by Tim Butcher. A triumphant and original account of the man who shot the Archduke.

If one is to believe the newspaper headlines and TV talking heads, we are in the midst of “a new Cold War” as a result of Russia’s decision to seize Crimea. Perhaps for many people on both sides of the Atlantic the comparison is comforting: After all, the real Cold War was the last war that America and the West “won,” or seemed to have won. But it is seriously misleading.

Orlando Figes’ bestselling A People’s Tragedy, first published nearly 20 years ago, is one of the most compelling of all accounts of the Russian Revolution. Figes ended his story in 1924 with the death of Lenin, which, he reckoned, seemed like a good idea at the time, as did many other historians of the subject.

One of the best-known contacts for many Western reporters covering Poland and the Solidarity protests of the 1980s was Konstanty ‘Kostek’ Gebert. A fine journalist who usually wrote under the name Dawid Warszawski, he seemed to know everyone in Warsaw, liked to talk late into the night about ideas and gossip, wore his vast learning lightly and had an invaluable gift for putting complex issues into broad perspective.

Andrew Marr discusses Central Europe from the Soviet occupation to membership of the EU. Anne Applebaum looks back at what happened when the Iron Curtain came down after WWII. Victor Sebestyen and Helen Szamuely disagree over the benefits of European integration after 1989. And Mark Mazower explores the chequered history of international government, and the vision of harmony at the heart of the European project.

A band of long-haired psychedelic rockers locked up in the 1970s proved a catalyst in the fall of Soviet communism. “The band’s lyrics have nothing to do with music or art and seriously threaten the moral values of society,” the chief prosecutor declared portentously in a crowded court room. “They display extreme vulgarity and their words expose anarchy, decadence ... and cause a negative influence on the lifestyle of our young generation.”

In Russia one of the biggest hits on YouTube is the dramatic scene in November when Vladimir Putin was booed at a martial arts contest. As he entered the ring at the Olympic Stadium in Moscow to congratulate the Russian winner of a bout against an American, cheers turned to catcalls.

In the last 18 months, nine European governments have lost power: Ireland, Portugal, Spain, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, Greece, and Romania.

The Hungarian Prime Minister I knew was a fun-loving firebrand. Now his democratic deficit is a threat to the EU.

Moscow’s leader is a corrupt bully. But it’s not worth starting a second Cold War over him.

Russian officials today, much like the Soviet authorities of a past generation, encourage a cult of the Great Patriotic War. In the national narrative, this was their Finest Hour, still invoked on significant anniversary days as an example of heroism and sacrifice by politicians such as Vladimir Putin.

The plot was hatched at a bathhouse in downtown Moscow. At midmorning on Saturday, Aug. 17, 1991, the head of the K.G.B., Vladimir A. Kryuchkov, summoned five senior Soviet officials for a highly secretive meeting that he told them would be vital for the future of the U.S.S.R.

Nobody saw it coming — this superb account re-creates in vivid detail the passing of the Soviet Union 20 years ago. So many moments are instantly identified as “the day the world changed” that it is easy to forget the relevant date — or indeed the event the label is supposed to describe. But it is no hyperbole to tag Christmas Day 1991, when Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as the last leader of the Soviet Union and the Red Flag was lowered from the Kremlin, as one of those dates. Very likely, future historians will judge it to be far more significant than 9/11.

Themes of tyranny and brutality run through this collection of stories, published in English for the first time.

President Medvedev has offered to help the west’s faltering Afghan campaign - but both parties must heed the lessons from the Soviet army’s disastrous withdrawal in the 1980s.

In his Cabinet room, the leader was exasperated by the latest reports of casualties in Afghanistan. “We’re in ... but how to get out racks one’s brains,” he told his generals and political colleagues. “We’ve been fighting in Afghanistan for years now and if we don’t change our approach we’ll be there another 20 or 30 years. We have not learnt how to wage war there. We had a clearly defined goal: to get a friendly regime in Afghanistan.

An outstanding collection from one of Russia’s greats who dared to write against the wishes of the authorities.

Having had Rushdie and Coetzee defend him, Milan Kundera’s reflections on other writers shed some light on his own tricky past.

No one here (I mean in Britain, not perhaps in the columns of The Spectator) likes to read anything nice about the Germans. So I shall warn you that there will be some praise for Germany in this review, mixed with the usual level of bashing. If the very thought of this shocks or appals you, I’ll do that rare thing for any journalist and suggest you turn the page and move on to something more comforting.

There’s one sound I shall never forget about the revolution that bustled the Communists out of power in Czechoslovakia 20 years ago: the jangling of door keys. Every night for a week, crowds gathered in Prague’s Wenceslas Square. At regular intervals, thousands of people in unison waved their keyrings above their heads. The noise echoed throughout the city, signifying to their hated communist masters: “Go home, here’s your key. It’s time to leave.”

The heady events in Berlin in 1989 had far more impact than the rise of Islamism. Today is the real 9/11. This is not meant as a quibble about dates. Future historians will remember 9 November 1989 as far more significant than that terrifying day in September eight years ago. Countless long-forgotten events have been marked in headlines as the day we shall all remember. But nobody can doubt that the world changed on that wonderful night in Berlin.

The highly decorated general sat opposite his commander in chief and explained the problems his army faced fighting in the hills around Kabul: “There is no piece of land in Afghanistan that has not been occupied by one of our soldiers at some time or another,” he said. “Nevertheless much of the territory stays in the hands of the terrorists. We control the provincial centers, but we cannot maintain political control over the territory we seize.

Mikhail Gorbachev called Afghanistan “our bleeding wound”. Why hasn’t Nato learned from the Soviet Union. In May 1985, two months after Mikhail Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, he sent one of his cleverest generals to Kabul on an urgent, secret mission. The name of General Zaitsev is unlikely to be well known to today's Nato commanders, but perhaps it should be. Back then he was the Red Army's most senior military planner and logistics expert, and Gorbachev ordered him to provide an honest answer to the question: can the USSR win the war in Afghanistan? He returned to Moscow swiftly with a simple answer: no.

Twenty years after the wall fell, Mikhail Gorbachev is quietly celebrated in the west, but shunned in Moscow. Yet in both places his reputation rests on his failure to reform the dying system in which he truly believed.

In the 1980s, the Polish economist Bronislaw Kaminski used to make an observation that confused liberal, leftist and even some conservative intellectuals in the West. Communism, he argued, was not a good idea implemented badly, but a terrible idea implemented surprisingly well.

Hungary is commemorating the 50th anniversary of the uprising against the Russians. Victor Sebestyen, whose family left Hungary when he was a young child, has written a book about the 1956 uprising. He says that despite the passing years, there is still an uneasy relationship with Russia.